
$350 at jcrew.com.
the only change i would make is turning that bow around to the back. oh, and i'd definitely add a french net veil to the ensemble, people. french net veil!
The current debate over fiscal stimulus involves trading off these goals. The stimulus package being discussed is mainly aimed at achieving goal 4, but it does so at the cost of sacrificing goals 1 and 2 to some degree. Efficiency is sacrificed because the phase out raises effective marginal tax rates and because the higher future taxes that result from the extra government debt will likely be distortionary. Of course, the phase out is there in order to achieve goal 3: This is the classic tradeoff between efficiency and equality.
Differences of opinion arise when policy analysts weight these goals differently. Advocates of fiscal stimulus put a large weight on goal 4. Critics of fiscal stimulus come in two varieties. One type of critic discounts goal 4 entirely because they are skeptical of Keynesian theories that underlie this goal. A second type of critic admits that goal 4 is legitimate in principle but believes that in the current environment macroeconomic stabilization is best left to monetary policy so fiscal policy can focus on goals 1 and 2. I am in this latter category.
1. J. Crew 2. eDressme 3. Jenny Yoo 4. Shoshanna via edressme
Have you noticed how the stimulus bill is shifting? Only in Washington can there be two definitions of what $150 billion means. The House and the White House wanted $150 billion stimulus in 2008 but the Finance Committee appears to define the $150 billion price tag as the 10-year cost, not the one year cost. Subtle but important difference. As a result they have increased the 2008-2009 cost to $196 billion and the ten year cost is now the "magic" $150 billion. The policy changes? More rebate checks and tax relief for firms with NOLs in 2006 and 2007 (presumably home builders and financial services companies being notable winners).Here and here are the numbers.
Update: Jason Furman emails me a comment:
I think your correspondent gets the "only in Washington" definition backwards. The important fact to understand is that both the House and Senate stimulus plans contain bonus depreciation. That allows companies to take larger depreciation allowances in the first year in exchange for lower depreciation allowances in future years. The one-year cost of the House version is $44 billion but much of that money is recouped so that the net present value is $13.6 billion. Only in Washington (and in this case the House bill that your correspondent seems to implicitly support) would this be described as $44 billion. Any business would use a concept much closer to the NPV.
You get closer to the NPV by using 11 year nominal totals, which taking the entire bills are $117 billion for the House and $156 billion for the Senate. This does not say which is substantively better, but it is the better way to pose the question.
Also, like your correspondent I am skeptical about allowing firms to essentially get tax credits against net operating losses, it does nothing to increase the rate of return to new investment and I do not expect the improved cash flow to have much stimulative effect. But I would have thought you would have agreed with former Bush administration Assistant Secretary for Tax Policy Pamela Olson who argued, "In a perfect world, economists (of all stripes) wouldn't just permit carrybacks and carryforwards, they'd refund losses to taxpayers... So, I would say that it's a good idea, but it will cost revenue, which will have to be balanced against the benefit."
Finally, most policymakers do not realize that the "true-up" that allows taxpayers to claim the best of 2007 and 2008 adds extra complications, has no stimulative effect, and creates the marginal rate problems you identified in your earlier post. Maybe you should see if you could convince folks to drop this provision so that the rebate will be entirely a lump sum transfer, rather than mostly a lump sum transfer.
John McCain and Mitt Romney are the most like Ronald Reagan whereas (within the set of primary candidates) the words of Mike Huckabee and Barack Obama are the closest to those of Martin Luther King. Hillary Clinton is by far the candidate closest in oratory to Bill Clinton.
This paper investigates the value of employment data as real-time recession indicators. Among popular monthly labor measures, the unemployment rate is the most useful as an indicator of recession, whereas two top measures of employment growth�payroll jobs and civilian employment�have little value. Two other series, the labor force participation rate and the employment-population ratio, also provide little or no value in anticipating a recession. The best pre-recession employment indicator is actually weekly claims for unemployment insurance (UI). The paper reviews a new technique for predicting recessions, and develops an employment recession probability index. The index indicates a 35.5 percent chance that the U.S. economy is in recession, sharply up from 10 percent last month.